Without the right to communicate and democratisation of communication, the right to life, liberty, freedom of speech and expression is meaningless.It attempts to keep track of traditional media, offline media and digital media that faces the onslaught of monopolistic tendencies and is wary of localisation of media. It is part of Citizens Forum for Civil Liberties (CFCL) For Details: https://groups.yahoo.com/neo/groups/mediavigil/info
Full text of statement by ex Tehelka journalist in sexual assault case
I am heartened by the broad support I
have received over the past fortnight. However, I am deeply concerned
and very disturbed by insinuations that my complaint is part of a
pre-election political conspiracy.
I categorically refute such insinuations and put forward the following arguments:
The struggle for women to assert control
over their lives and their bodies is most certainly a political one, but
feminist politics and its concerns are wider than the narrow universe
of our political parties. Thus, I call upon our political parties to
resist the temptation to turn a very important discussion about gender,
power and violence into a conversation about themselves.
Suggestions that I am acting on someone
else’s behest are only the latest depressing indications that sections
of our public discourse are unwilling to acknowledge that women are
capable to making decisions about themselves for themselves.
In this past week, television
commentators who should know better, have questioned my motivations and
my actions during and after Mr. Tejpal molested me. Some have questioned
the time it took for me to file my complaint, more inquisitive
commentators have questioned the use of the word “sexual molestation”
versus words like “rape.”
Perhaps the hardest part of this
unrelentingly painful experience has been my struggle with taxonomy. I
don’t know if I am ready to see myself as a “rape victim”, or for my
colleagues, friends, supporters and critics to see me thus. It is not
the victim that categorizes crimes: it is the law. And in this case, the
law is clear: what Mr. Tejpal did to me falls within the legal
definition of rape.
Now that we have a new law that broadens
the definition of rape, we should stand by what we fought for. We have
spoken, time and again, about how rape is not about lust or sex, but
about power, privilege and entitlement. Thus this new law should be
applicable to everybody – the wealthy, the powerful, and the well
connected – and not just to faceless strangers.
As seen by some of the responses to this
case, instances of familial and custodial rape present doughty
challenges to even the most adamantine feminists.
Unlike Mr. Tejpal, I am not a person of
immense means. I have been raised singlehandedly by my mother’s single
income. My father’s health has been very fragile for many years now.
Unlike Mr. Tejpal, who is fighting to
protect his wealth, his influence and his privilege, I am fighting to
preserve nothing except for my integrity and my right to assert that my
body is my own and not the plaything of my employer. By filing my
complaint, I have lost not just a job that I loved, but much-needed
financial security and the independence of my salary. I have also opened
myself to personal and slanderous attack. This will not be an easy
In my life, and my writings, I have
always urged women to speak out and break the collusive silence that
surrounds sexual crime. This crisis has only confirmed the myriad
difficulties faced by survivors. First, our utterances are questioned,
then our motivations, and finally our strength is turned against us: a
politician will issue a statement claiming that speaking out against
sexual violence will hurt our professional prospects; an application
filed in the Delhi High Court will question why the victim remained
Had I chosen silence in this instance, I
would not have been able to face either myself or the feminist movement
that is forged and renewed afresh by generations of strong women.
Finally, an array of men of privilege
have expressed sorrow that Tehelka, the institution, has suffered in
this crisis. I remind them that this crisis was caused by the abusive
violence of the magazine’s Editor-in-Chief, and not by an employee who
chose to speak out.
Thank you everyone for your support.
The text of the statement was issued
today to the media
Note: Procedural Establishments Under The Code Of Criminal Procedure, 1973: Section 197 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973 gives protection to a person who is still a Public Servant at the time the prosecution is launched, and also when he is no longer a public servant. This is to protect the Public Servant from a case being filed against him after his retirement. When the government servant or the employee is not removable from his office without the sanction of the Central Government, then the same is necessary. Sanction under this section is not necessary before a Public Servant could be prosecuted for an offence of bribery under Section 161 of the Indian Penal Code, 1860. There are three facets in the consideration of the protection given by Section 197 of the Cr.P.C. to the acts done by public officers. (i) The act complained attaches to it the official character of the person doing it; (ii) The official character or status of the accused gave him an opportunity of doing the…
Press Release Questionable and illegal UIDAI completes four years Maj Gen S.G.Vombatkere, VSM tell President that UID is extra-legal,
New Delhi, 28 Jan, 2013: Prime
Minister headed Cabinet Committee on UID related matters (CCUIDRM) which also
deal with National Population Register (NPR) has ensured that Unique
Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) continues to complete its four years
of existence without any legal basis and without disclosing that UID database
and NPR database is being merged with the electoral database. UIDAI was created
by a notification of Planning Commission dated January28, 2009.The notification is attached. As of as on
January 2, 2013, Cabinet Committee on
Unique Identification Authority of India related issues includes Prime
Minister, Sharad Pawar, Minister of Agriculture and Minister of Food Processing
Industries, P. Chidambaram, Minister of Finance, Sushilkumar Shinde, Minister
of Home Affairs, Mallikarjun Kharge, Minister of Labour and …
At a program to mark the 76th birth anniversary of late Prabhash Joshi, well known columnist and former editor of Nayi Duniya, Jansatta and Indian Express, speaker after speaker demanded the formation of Third Press Commission. The program was organised on July 15 at Satyagrah Mandap, Raj Ghat by Prabhash Parampra Nyas and Gandhi Smriti awam Darshan Samiti.
It has come to light that the efforts of senior journalists like Ram Bahadur Rai, Ram Sharan Joshi and Kuldeep Nayar have been demanding setting up of the Third Press Commission from the Manmohan Singh Govt but due to resistance from the de facto head of the state, it has not been constituted so far.
Press Council of India in its report of 2001 had also recommended setting up of a Third Press Commission during Justice PB Swant's tenure. Justice G.N. Ray, the Press Council chairman also recommended it in his speech in 2009 in Kolkata.
In July 2011, at a function in Indore too, journalists marched in the streets demanding…